The global
significance of the election in Greece is the symbolism of popular opposition to:
a) Western-imposed austerity that results in income redistribution from the bottom
80% the population to the top 20%;
b) Blatant
disregard for national sovereignty of debtor nations by the hegemonic creditor
governments that represent finance capital;
c) Popular
democracy can prevail despite the massive propaganda by the mainstream media
demonizing any political party or movement appealing for social justice;
d) Contagion
effect, as other political movements, PODEMOS in Spain for example, will follow
the precedent set by the Greek election
e) A major
blow to the neoliberal model of development under globalization that the West
has been presenting as “the only way” to conduct economic and social policy.
f) The EU
and the US will exert immense pressure on the newly-elected government to
pursue neoliberal policies with some watered down version of social and economic
policies that take into account the working class and waning middle class. In
short, a strategy of co-optation has already begun, so that the center-left
party becomes in essence a neoliberal one in policy but remains center-left in
rhetoric.
g) If
co-optation fails, the challenge of the financial and political elites now is to
prevent popular political parties in other nations asserting national
sovereignty and social justice as cornerstones of their platform. This means
that there will be an international overt – media propaganda - and covert efforts
through political and economic means – to undermine, discredit and topple the
elected government and bring about regime change.
On 25
January 2015, Greece elected SYRIZA, a left-of-center regime opposed to the
harsh austerity measures that the IMF and EU had imposed along with a series of
policies that essentially resulted in the super-concentration of wealth in the
hands of a few thousand families while 50% of youth were unemployed in an
economy where “formal unemployment” remains at 26% and the poverty rates at one
third of the population. These are Great Depression conditions, but the
defenders of austerity and neoliberalism insist that there is no alternative.
The initial
Western press reaction ranged from panic to caution about SYRIZA that people
chose to lead them. Nothing about the process of democracy working, nothing
about popular sovereignty, nothing about the sense of hope, real or not, that the new government instills in a
country that has seen its income drop by one-third and the middle class
destroyed. The only issue is that neoliberalism now threatened beyond Greece,
in Spain, Italy, Portugal and other debtor nations that will dare choose
governments representing the majority and not banks and corporations.
Some media
outlets called SYRIZA Communist, others radical left, others populist left. Not
a single mainstream media outlet bothered to explain the ideological orientation
of the political party or its platform, other than to state it opposes
austerity, opposition that right wing political parties across Europe also
share. Instead of stating the ideological position and specific platform of the
party, the mainstream Western media simply warned that SYRIZA poses a threat to
markets and to EU’s stability, as though the EU has been stable in the past
five years when SYRIZA was in the opposition.
SYRIZA is a
coalition of Socialist and reformist centrist political elements that rests on
an ideology of reformism within the system. Its ideology has roots in European
Socialism, with strong elements of the Euro-Communism of the 1970s. Eclectic
and rooted in the concept of social justice that entails creating a strong
social welfare safety net, the ideology of SYRIZA is classic European social
democratic, despite rhetoric that tends to carry over to Socialism. The party
platform includes private sector backed by the state, a multi-dimensional
foreign trade policy and a foreign policy rooted in national interests rather
than Western imperial interests intended to destabilize the Middle East and
Balkans.
The triumph
of neoliberalism – a trend that started under the conservative governments of
Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in the 1980s – was complete with the
downfall of the Communist bloc and the global economic integration in which
Communist China became the engine for global growth since the 1990s.
The
symbolic significance of SYRIZA winning the election has shocked the neoliberals
across Europe, because they fear national sovereignty and popular resistance to
globalization. Throughout the 20th century, the Western countries tried
everything from political and economic pressure to military coercion to pursue
their interests in non-Western countries as well as the periphery of Europe.
The goal was always integration under the patron-client model, a model of
hegemony by the Western countries – the patrons - over the rest they see as
client states serving Western economic, political and military interests. The anathema for the West has always been a
strong state representing national interests and opposed to the patron-client
integration model.
How did
Greece along with many other EU and non-EU countries fall into debt? The number
one culprit was that the fiscal system favored the top income earners, the
financial elites foreign and domestic, forcing the state to engage in heavy
borrowing to meet its needs, among them a very expensive defense program that
added nothing to the productive capacity of the economy. The austerity and
neo-liberal solution resulted in a sharp rise of the public debt which cannot
possibly be serviced under any conditions short of a 50% haircut with the
investors taking the loss.
The economy has been experiencing negative growth
under austerity, unemployment and poverty rates are the highest in the EU, and
the prospects for development are almost nil in the absence of massive
investment that has been absent. Despite this reality, the representatives of
the Western financial elites have already condemned SYRIZA even before it has
had the chance to take power.
Defending neo-liberalism and corporate
welfare, which means massive transfer of public funds from social programs to
corporations, a number of bank representatives have argued that SYRIZA must
either comply with IMF-EU austerity, or face the consequences of no credit from
the European Central Bank. Naturally, this means that Greece must accept
integration under the German-imposed patron-client model, or face a possible
exodus from the euro.
Saxo Bank chief
economist Simon Smith argued that: “The troika (ECB, EU & IMF) are now in a
bind. If they cede to [Greece’s] demands, then markets will display no faith in
the ability of other eurozone members to stick to austerity policies. If they
stand their ground and Greece leaves, then the irreversible nature of the
single currency would have been broken, which would make other peripheral
nations more vulnerable as investors would be prepared to price in exit in
certain circumstances.”
The rating agency Standard and Poor's immediately warned the new government of a possible downgrade if it deviates from the IMF-EU austerity program and neo-liberal policies. Similar warning have come pouring in from official circles and banks across Europe. These are reminders that Greece has no leverage and that the patron-client integration model, austerity and neo-liberalism will remain exactly as the G-7 and financial markets dictate. By contrast, the new prime minister Alexis Tsipras visited the memorial site of Nazi war-crime victims, symbolically reminding Germany that it owes billions in war reparations to Greece, while reminding the West about the absence of justice when it comes to relations between core countries and periphery within the EU. Of course, the EU and US will try both co-optation and coersion and will even threaten to isolate Greece if it dares defy austerity measures and neo-liberalism.
The Europeans know very well that if Greece leaves the euro it will be even more costly for the creditor nations and the markets than if it remains and cuts a deal to reduce its public debt and payments it cannot possibly afford to make unless it impoverishes more than half of its population. The financial and political elites have major challenges not because SYRIZA won the election in January 2015, for that may prove highly symbolic victory for popular democracy, but because the rest of the world, especially the rest of EU, needed a concrete example to point the way to an alternative that at least addresses some social justice and gross socioeconomic inequality issues. If Spain follows the Greek example, that will not be just a symbolic defeat for neo-liberalism, but a substantive one with serious political and economic consequences for the EU. Fear and dread of popular democracy and national sovereignty on the part of the financial elites and mainstream political parties remains very strong motivator for the strategies they adopt to combat any efforts to water down neo-liberalism and the patron-client integration model on a world scale.
In foreign policy, SYRIZA will try to pursue a policy that tries to take into account the roles of China and Russia, while remaining part of the Western sphere of influence. Greek foreign policy government will depend on many factors. It is true that SYRIZA, like PASOK in the early 1980s, will have a rhetorical commitment of a more balanced foreign policy that takes into account Russia's interests in Greece and throughout the EU. In the last analysis, Greece is a NATO member, it is an EU member and it has constrictive conditions placed on it. On the other hand, Turkey is also a NATO member, but does not necessarily follow whatever the EU and US dictate. My guess is a foreign policy that at least takes into account China and Russia, while making accommodations to the West without submitting completely to the West as have previous regimes. One last caveat here, there is a huge difference between rhetoric politicians use for domestic and international consumption and what measures they take. SYRIZA has what I call "non-aligned" rhetoric employed, but in the end it will have to accommodate the West more than its leaders now realize.
2 comments:
Dr. Kofas, do you have an opinion on whether or not Greece will ultimately abandon the euro? The way I see it, there is no real good options for the short run, but in the long run I believe Greece is better off to abandon the euro and re-issue the drachma. The drachma could be issued debt free by the government instead of a central bank debt instrument (example: Lincoln's greenbacks). The currency would have problems on the forex market initially, but I believe it is a much better option for Greek citizens than sending the fruits of their economic productivity out of the country.
I do not believe that Greece will abandon the euro, as I had written five years ago n the eve of the IMF-EU imposed austerity measures. The reason is very simple. If Greece abandons the euro, it will cost the Europeans about as much as if they come to a compromise with Athens on a number of issues from debt reduction to economic development, from labor policy to social programs that have been cutto the bone. National economic sovereginty is not possible for a "client" country such as Greece unless its own currency. However, the political and business pressure is such that SYRIZA will not be able to go back to the drachma, except under extreme conditions. For now, compromise is in the works...later who knows?
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