On 10 August 2016,
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump accused president Barak Hussein
Obama and Democrat presidential candidate Hillary Clinton of co-founding the
jihadist rebel organization ISIS (Islamic State) operating mainly in Syria and
Iraq but with operative in many Middle Eastern countries and around the world. Trump
used Obama’s full name to provoke a racist-xenophobic response from the public
about the Arabic-sounding name rooted in East Africa. Immediately, critics
insisted that Trump made outrageous and ignorant comments about complex foreign
affairs matters he does not fully comprehend.
The following day Trump
clarified that he meant exactly what he said and not that Obama’s foreign
policy inadvertently led to the creation of ISIS. Did Obama and Clinton create
ISIS, or is this more of Trump right-wing populist hyperbole intended to rise
in polls where is far behind Clinton? Considering that Trump has
neo-isolationist tendencies, do such comments about Obama and Clinton creating
ISIS make sense, or is he indeed an ignorant wealthy right wing populist appealing
to the fears and prejudice of many citizens bombarded by media foreign policy
distortions on a daily basis?
On the day that Trump
accused Obama and Clinton of creating ISIS, Turkish President Erdogan accused
the US of protecting Turkish billionaire Fethullah Gulen who lives in
Pennsylvania. Erdogan considers Gullen and his ‘movement’ a terrorist
organization that was behind the attempted military coup in July 2016.
Moreover, the Turkish president considers the US a protector and promoter of
terrorism, unless it hands Gulen over to Turkish authorities. Turkey is a NATO
member, committed to the same goal as the US of regime change in Syria, and a
frontline state to combat ISIS and terrorism; but what is terrorism and who is
a terrorist? If Turkey and the US agree on publicly stated policy goals,
despite the reality that Turkey itself has had a long-standing backdoor
collaborator with ISIS and considers terrorist the Kurdish political
organization PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) which the US does not.
Beyond the obvious reality
that terrorism is a very subjective political reality that means something very
different to each country, there remains the massive confusion within the US
political arena because Trump’s accusation is one usually uttered by critics of
US foreign policy around the world. Only critics of US foreign policy have been
advancing the thesis that ISIS and other jihadist groups would not exist if it
were not for the financing, diplomatic, military and logistical support by the
US and its European and Middle East allies like Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States
and Turkey. I know of no serious critic rooted in scholarly arguments that
would argue what Trump did.
In a number of articles, I have pointed out that
the US goal of regime change in Syria led the US and its allies to back various
rebel groups from which ISIS emerged in the last five years. The US plan was to gain
greater leverage in the Middle East and deny Russia the geopolitical leverage
it has historically enjoyed in Syria. This became important especially amid
negotiations for a nuclear deal with Iran and the reality that Iran emerged as
the dominant player in the Middle East largely because of US military
intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan where the results have been an unmitigated
disaster measured by the criteria and goals that the US set out to
accomplish.
Why then did the US pursue
policies that in fact create terrorism through destabilization policies of
anti-jihadist regimes, a policy replete with contradictions and one ultimately
backfiring? Why support jihadist groups in a number of countries from Libya to
Yemen, from Syria to Iraq when the result is greater jihadist activity
throughout the Middle East and random hits against innocent targets in the West? Post-Cold War US has a need to keep feeding
the military industrial complex whose presence in Washington is strong given
their lobbying efforts among elected officials. However, that does not explain fully
the war on terror on the one hand, and policies that promote terrorism on the
other.
Besides the pressure from
the defense industries for more government contracts to meet the dangers of our
times, which includes ‘Islamic terrorism’, and besides the regional balance of
power argument that diplomats advance, there is the question of using the war
on terror to maintain the status quo at home in the face of external threats.
Conformity to the status quo, especially amid a declining middle class and
massive gap between the very rich and the rest of the citizens becomes
paramount for the two political parties. This may actually be the biggest
argument for creating terrorism than feeding more contracts to the defense
industry and various parasitic consulting firms repeating what the hawkish
elements in both political parties want to hear about a strong defense as a
panacea to all of society’s problems.
The lesson here is not that the term terrorism
is generic and meaningless. Now that the Republican presidential candidate has
given legitimacy to the theme that the US creates terrorism, a theme that is
hardly new among serious analysts of the war on terror, the argument takes
center stage no matter how much both Republicans and Democrats try to dismiss
it. Trump’s comments reflect a populist frustration with a wayward government
pursuing destabilization policies filled with contradictions and lack of
clarity both in terms of procedure and outcomes. The lesson here is not just
the lengths to which a presidential candidate would go to secure more popular
support using rhetoric one would associate with politicians in less developed
countries where political opponents have no qualms suggesting it may not be a
bad idea to eliminate the other. The lesson is that no matter the propaganda by
the media, pundits, politicians, academics, and all who pretend that terrorism
came like the blob from another planet are now unable to hide behind this
enemy.
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