This
article
is part of a 13-question interview about American society that Jaime
Ortega, president of "The Daily Journalist"
conducted with me by submitting questions in writing. The first two essays
appear below and the rest will follow in the coming days.
5) Jaime Ortega: Illegal immigration has been an historic problem in American since the Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty. Back in the 1950’s the American economy was booming and in great shape with an unrestrained border and illegal immigration did not seem to be much of an issue as today. What is sinking the economy more into a sinkhole, the US citizens who are exploiting the welfare state or illegal immigrants who don’t pay taxes but do work to help market production rise?
JVK: Undocumented workers are not so much an issue about economics but rightwing populist and often racist politics. Throughout history immigrant labor had very solid benefits to the US economy and society and informed critics know this to be the case. Nevertheless, politicians and the media present the immigrant issue as a problem in the economy, though after 9/11 they link it to terrorism. Some rightwing analysts link undocumented workers who are nothing more than economic refugees to security and by implication terrorism, although there is no empirical evidence of such linkage. The following excerpt is typical of how rightwing analysts are using terrorism to instill fear in politicians and the public when it comes to undocumented workers.
“They (illegal aliens) also take away value by weakening the legal and national security environment. Even though they pose no direct security threat, the presence of millions of undocumented migrants distorts the law, distracts resources, and effectively creates a cover for terrorists and criminals. In other words, the real problem presented by illegal immigration is security, not the supposed threat to the economy.” (Tim Kane and K. A. Johnson, The Heritage Foundation). The linkage between terrorism and undocumented workers is as absurd as the one that undocumented workers are a destructive force in the economy; they sponge off the welfare system, pay no taxes, spread diseases, and commit crimes. Critics of immigration policy are driven by ideology, xenophobia and racism. Above all, they are hypocrites because they would never advance the same arguments in case of illegal immigrants is they came from northwest Europe.
Immigration has political, social, racial/ethnic, and cultural dimensions and it has been around since the founding of the Republic. John Adams signed the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798 to limit the rights of immigrants because the Federalists in power viewed immigrants as part of the popular base of Thomas Jefferson who supported the French Revolution at the time. Half a century later the “Know Nothing” movement revived the “ethnic purity” argument in a country that was predominantly Anglo-Saxon but clearly one of immigrants, with African slaves and American native population whose lands were colonized. Coinciding with the Spanish-American War (1998), once again the anti-immigration elements organized against Asians resulting in the limitation of Chinese immigrants. This too was a reaction to the depression of the 1890s and the search to find a scapegoat for structural problems in the US economy.
Instead of examining the new labor conditions in the marketplace and new
labor-management relations, politicians, the media, and rightwing consultants
blame workers for failing to retrain and take advantage of the changing market
conditions. There are studies indicating that immigrants will accept jobs that “natives”
whether in the US, Europe, Australia or Canada will not take. Studies also show
that immigrants tend to do better with upward mobility despite structural
obstacles than “natives” for a combination of reasons ranging from the psychology
of an immigrant to willingness to accept harder jobs and more than one.
The upward mobility of immigrants phenomenon doing better than “natives” pertains more to the second generation immigrants and not so much to first generation that encounter problems integrating fully into society. One explanation for the immigrants tending to grab at any opportunity and crave upward mobility is their fear of finding ahead of them what they left behind in the old country. The spirit of competition is much higher because they are outsiders whose psychology is very different than that of the native population. In fact, the American Dream has a much greater appeal to the immigrant worker than it does to the college student who has doubts about the institutional system delivering what politicians and the media advertise.
While the immigrant aims toward integration into the institutional mainstream, a segment of the native population regards it with suspicion. All immigrants, including black immigrants who know the history of racism in America, are actually driven by the same sense of excelling through conformity whereas the same people would not do as much in their own countries. However, as the chart below indicates, recent and long-term immigrants lag far behind the native population in every respect from housing ownership to income. The same holds true for Hispanics, who actually lag even more than the overall US immigrant population according to a study by the Center for Immigration Studies.
5) Jaime Ortega: Illegal immigration has been an historic problem in American since the Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty. Back in the 1950’s the American economy was booming and in great shape with an unrestrained border and illegal immigration did not seem to be much of an issue as today. What is sinking the economy more into a sinkhole, the US citizens who are exploiting the welfare state or illegal immigrants who don’t pay taxes but do work to help market production rise?
JVK: Undocumented workers are not so much an issue about economics but rightwing populist and often racist politics. Throughout history immigrant labor had very solid benefits to the US economy and society and informed critics know this to be the case. Nevertheless, politicians and the media present the immigrant issue as a problem in the economy, though after 9/11 they link it to terrorism. Some rightwing analysts link undocumented workers who are nothing more than economic refugees to security and by implication terrorism, although there is no empirical evidence of such linkage. The following excerpt is typical of how rightwing analysts are using terrorism to instill fear in politicians and the public when it comes to undocumented workers.
“They (illegal aliens) also take away value by weakening the legal and national security environment. Even though they pose no direct security threat, the presence of millions of undocumented migrants distorts the law, distracts resources, and effectively creates a cover for terrorists and criminals. In other words, the real problem presented by illegal immigration is security, not the supposed threat to the economy.” (Tim Kane and K. A. Johnson, The Heritage Foundation). The linkage between terrorism and undocumented workers is as absurd as the one that undocumented workers are a destructive force in the economy; they sponge off the welfare system, pay no taxes, spread diseases, and commit crimes. Critics of immigration policy are driven by ideology, xenophobia and racism. Above all, they are hypocrites because they would never advance the same arguments in case of illegal immigrants is they came from northwest Europe.
Immigration has political, social, racial/ethnic, and cultural dimensions and it has been around since the founding of the Republic. John Adams signed the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798 to limit the rights of immigrants because the Federalists in power viewed immigrants as part of the popular base of Thomas Jefferson who supported the French Revolution at the time. Half a century later the “Know Nothing” movement revived the “ethnic purity” argument in a country that was predominantly Anglo-Saxon but clearly one of immigrants, with African slaves and American native population whose lands were colonized. Coinciding with the Spanish-American War (1998), once again the anti-immigration elements organized against Asians resulting in the limitation of Chinese immigrants. This too was a reaction to the depression of the 1890s and the search to find a scapegoat for structural problems in the US economy.
Besides the government, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) vehemently
opposed immigration on ethnic, racial and cultural basis. The AFL arguments notwithstanding
about immigrants contaminating American “purity”, the status quo labor union
wanted to preserve its monopoly in the field and opposed the Industrial Workers
of the World (IWW founded 1905) that immigrants supported. The
anarcho-syndicalist IWW trying to organize low-paid workers posed a threat to
the pro-capitalist AFL whose labor base was the high-paid labor force made up
of ‘natives’ (second and third generation immigrants) rather than recent immigrants.
The opposition to immigrants, therefore, came not only from politically,
religiously, ethnically “purist” groups but also from the largest organized
labor group seeking to protect its monopoly in society. Opportunistic politicians
took advantage of the conflict between the IWW advocating class struggle and
AFL advocating class collaboration. Woodrow Wilson co-opted the AFL during WWI
and Democrat politicians recognized the importance of having a segment of the
labor movement on their side.
Not just in the US, but in Europe and Australia, politicians have been
hammering to secure votes from an increasingly skeptical public about the
underlying causes of social and economic problems that they attribute to
illegal immigrants that organized labor also opposes. Xenophobia and racism are
not the exclusive domain of the ultra-right wing elements that make no secret
of their views about non-white Protestant Anglo Saxons, but even of moderates
who yield to populist rhetoric about undocumented workers as the root of all
economic and social problems.
In recent years, Mexicans are the targets of those raising the American
flag against illegal immigration polluting the “purity” of American society.
The ethno-centric views of those opposed to immigrants from Mexico and Latin
America revolve around ethnicity, religion, and culture and have historical
roots. The Guadalupe
Hidalgo Treaty (1848) ended the war that the US had declared against
Mexico depriving it of all its territory north of the Rio Grande River and
California. The Mexican population estimated at 80,000 in California, Texas,
New Mexico and Arizona accepted US citizenship. However, land belonging to
Mexican families transferred hands in the course of the war. The citizenship
rights of Mexicans did not result in retention of their ancestral lands for the
most part, causing friction also because this sent a signal they were
second-class citizens as far as US government and courts were concerned, and
treated accordingly in a society of high levels of racial/ethnic stratification
before the Civil Rights movement.
During the Great Depression, the Mexican community suffered “pogrom-style
raids”, while the US government forced more than 500,000 people, 60% of them US
citizens, back to Mexico. Stereotypical racist images of Hispanics in American
popular culture as lazy, criminal-oriented, trouble-makers that cause chaos in
communities reinforced the racist tendencies among xenophobes. This meant that
Hispanics were invariably on the fringes of the institutional mainstream,
excluded from jury-duty in Texas before 1954 (Supreme Court case: Hernandez vs.
Texas) and suffering the indignities such as store signs that read” “No dogs no
Mexicans”.
During the expansionary cycle of the US economy in the 1950s and 1960s, the
issue of immigration in general did not receive center stage in political
debates, except at the cultural level where stereotypical images remained in
the dominant culture about non-white minorities. The Civil Rights movement addressed
some of these issues, but this affected mostly the middle class minorities as
much in the Hispanic as in the black community. Because there was demand for
workers to fill positions in the primary and secondary sectors of production,
the political class and media did not emphasize immigration to the degree in
the 1960s and 1970s as they did after Reagan came to the White House and the
ideological and political climate moved sharply to the right. The undocumented
workers issue remained at the core of US politics, especially under Reagan who
fought against Civil Rights and workers’ rights. An enthusiastic supporter of
agri-business in California where Hispanics were trying to earn a living wage
with the help of Cesar Chavez, Reagan sent the signal to society that
mainstream white Protestant America must be maintained against any
encroachments from outsiders at a time that the US was engaged in
counter-insurgency operations in El Salvador and Nicaragua.
During the second Clinton administration, the government recognized the
legitimate rights of Mexicans, but the legacy of ethnocentrism and the mindset
of Manifest Destiny that prevailed in the 1840s have assumed new forms in the
early 21st century. This is evident not just by the manner that
Republican presidential candidate Trump described Mexicans, but actually the
entire society according to public opinion polls. While 50% women claimed they
felt discriminated and 52% of blacks, the percentage for Hispanics are at 61%
with 81% claiming to have suffered some form of discrimination.
Attitudes of the public changed regarding immigration from the time the US
passed the Immigration and Nationality
Act of 1965 when 1% deemed this the most important issue to 2014 when about
one-third of Americans saw immigration as a threat to the American way of life
and values; whatever this means, considering the heterogeneous nature of
American society and the rightwing propaganda of linking non-white immigration
with “domestic security”.
Despite the massive rightwing propaganda the media spews daily and
politicians reinforce, the majority of the people believe immigrants strengthen
the economy and society. However, from 2000 to 2015, the convergence of three
developments changed attitudes toward immigration among an increasingly skeptical
public that wants to blame some tangible entity for problems facing the
country. a) the war on terror that
provided a political impetus to the xenophobes and rightwing elements; b) the
deep recession of 2008; and c) the election of a black president that many
white conservatives associate with diluting “American purity”.
It is not at all surprising considering that the media and politicians are
constantly pointing to undocumented workers as America’s problem, as though if
immigrants disappeared America would magically reclaim its glory of the 1950s. Arizona
passed legislation forcing out undocumented workers and authorizing police to
check the citizenship of people they suspect are illegal aliens. Politicians
and other fear-mongers have been talking about erecting a wall to keep out
Hispanics and terrorists along the US-Mexico border of roughly 1100 kilometers
at the cost of billions to the taxpayers. This association of linking Mexico-US
border security with terrorists is unmitigated fear mongering projected on to
the public that has difficulty differentiating what is the role of the
immigrant because of the way the rightwing media bundles the two completely
separate issues.
Republican presidential candidate Trump opportunistically used the
xenophobia issue to bring popular support to his campaign. “The U.S. has
become a dumping ground for everybody else’s problems. When Mexico sends its
people, they’re not sending their best. They’re not sending you. They’re not
sending you. They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re
bringing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing
crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.” The Trump xenophobic rhetoric
actually achieved his political goal because it reflects two-thirds of the
sentiment among Republicans and one-third among Independents and Democrats,
according to the latest public opinion poll on immigration. A poll taken in
2011when the recession was still a reality revealed that the majority of
Americans opposed not just immigrants but their children from attending public
school and receiving any type of assistance to attend college.
Considering that the demographics of American society are changing and that
Hispanics will be the largest minority group by the middle of the 21st
century, there seems to be a divergence between this reality on the one hand,
and the anachronistic racist attitudes of politicians and the media on the
other. The question is why the political and socioeconomic elites stress this
issue when they know very well that the country’s economic and political future
is changing very rapidly owing in part to demographics. Whereas in 1960,
Hispanics accounted for 3.5% of the US population and whites for 85%,it is
estimated that in 2050 whites will account for 47% and Hispanics for 29%.
Hispanics will have the potential to determine national elections, assuming the
US will remain a representative democracy.
Fear of losing their privileged status and possibly political power has
driven a segment of the majority voters toward xenophobia amid the war on
terror. Stereotypical images of immigrants persist because the dominant white
Protestant Anglo-Saxon culture perpetuates them in order to preserve the
political economy and social structure that will be changing more rapidly in
the 21st century. This is a classic case of old white northwest
European immigrants opposing the new immigrants of color from Latin America,
Asia and Africa. This is an issue of legitimacy that whites give themselves but
exclude others as though an open pluralistic society is a private country club.
Right wing elements in politics, the media, and think tanks like Heritage
Foundation use immigration as a distraction from the real cause of the growing
socioeconomic inequality that has to do with neoliberal policies and
military-solution-oriented foreign policy both the Democrats and Republicans
support. Another dimension is that American culture is immersed in a long
history of racism and xenophobia and the white majority fears that society is
becoming more multicultural than ever. Instead of seeing cultural diffusion as
a positive development enriching society in every respect, there are those who
cling on to illusions of Anglo-Saxon Protestant “purity”, once an illusion of
the Ku Klux Klan, now prevalent among otherwise” respectable” rightwing
elements raising the American flag high against foreigners and terrorists.
This issue is not going away any time soon for two reasons. First, the US
will continue drifting down the road of militarism regardless of costs to the
economy in order to maintain its global leverage. Militarism will translate
into greater xenophobia and right wing domestic attitudes if not hostile policies
toward new immigrants. The second reason this will remain an issue in the
political arena is because the next recession will revive calls to close the
borders. This is what has taken place throughout American history from the 19th
century to the present and it will continue as it does in Europe and Australia.
6) Jaime Ortega: A lot Americans complain about the lack of
opportunities to succeed, but is this really true? Many immigrants that come
from third world countries start in low income areas and eventually climb the
pyramid and end up living in better neighborhoods and have better education.
Are Americans really taking advantage of the opportunities, or are they really
insufficient opportunities to grow in the US free market?
JVK: America has always been described as “the Land of
Opportunity”, but does it live up to its reputation on a sustained basis? There are certainly opportunities during the
expansionary cycles in the economy, but even those appear to have limitations
in the last forty years. From the end of the Vietnam War until the present
diminished opportunities exist because the US economy has shifted from manufacturing
to service-oriented, accelerating with advent of China as the world’s
manufacturing center and the relocation of company operations in all fields to
India, Brazil, Ireland, and other parts of the world.
Capitalism has always been an international system
with capital going it will realize the highest returns rather than maintaining
loyalty to a nation-state. The international nature of capital with the opening
of China’s economy as well as the downfall of the Soviet bloc simply created
more investment markets while driving wages lower for the US middle class and
blue collar workers. The International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated that
the US economy lost 20 million jobs by the end of 2009 as a result of the
recession of 2008, while more than 170,000 small businesses closed in the first
two years of the recession.
There is no shortage of part time and low-wage jobs,
while the full time and well-paying jobs are few. The creation of “contract
workers” is one phenomenon of the new globalized economy operating under
neoliberal policies. This is as much a reality in the US as it is in many
countries around the world because multinational corporations figured a way
around permanent full time work that entails greater profits. The new economy
based on “contract workers” (rent-a-worker just like you rent a car) keeps
employer production costs low, while the employee lacks jobs security, rights
otherwise accorded to full time workers, and often has no benefits such as
health care. In essence, this means that companies shift the burden of health
care costs to the employee and the state subsidizing the employee. In the
1980s, there were just 05% of contract workers, while in 2014 the number had
risen to 2.3%. Even more significant, this is a trend that will grow,
considering more employers are using this option along with part-time workers.
The upward mobility of immigrants phenomenon doing better than “natives” pertains more to the second generation immigrants and not so much to first generation that encounter problems integrating fully into society. One explanation for the immigrants tending to grab at any opportunity and crave upward mobility is their fear of finding ahead of them what they left behind in the old country. The spirit of competition is much higher because they are outsiders whose psychology is very different than that of the native population. In fact, the American Dream has a much greater appeal to the immigrant worker than it does to the college student who has doubts about the institutional system delivering what politicians and the media advertise.
While the immigrant aims toward integration into the institutional mainstream, a segment of the native population regards it with suspicion. All immigrants, including black immigrants who know the history of racism in America, are actually driven by the same sense of excelling through conformity whereas the same people would not do as much in their own countries. However, as the chart below indicates, recent and long-term immigrants lag far behind the native population in every respect from housing ownership to income. The same holds true for Hispanics, who actually lag even more than the overall US immigrant population according to a study by the Center for Immigration Studies.
In comparison with the socioeconomic conditions of
immigrants, the economic and social situation of much of the African-American
population is bad, and in many respects deteriorated since 1980, especially
with regard to black male youth employment opportunities. Conservative and
liberal analysts alike argue that the fault does not necessarily rest with a
system in which immigrants seem to be doing fairly well, but with the African-Americans.
After all, there is a black middle class and the US elected a black president
twice. Therefore, there is no discriminatory institutional structure but
individual responsibility for failure to succeed. There are
consultants and inspirational gurus trying to tell people that a positive state
of mind is all it takes to become successful. These people stress the values of
individualism and never raise the issue of structures as catalytic in the life
of the individual who must persevere over any obstacle society presents within
legal means.
The US government, businesses and educational
institutions have moved toward a broader definition of meritocracy since the
Civil Rights movements by introducing Affirmative Action in education and
hiring practices to even the playing field between the majority and minority
populations. Kennedy signed an executive order in 1961 ordering that government
“not discriminate against any employee or
applicant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national
origin" and "take affirmative action to ensure that applicants are
employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to
their race, creed, color, or national origin." Conservatives, especially
during the Reagan presidency, argued that affirmative action was a form of
quotas for minorities, disregarding the long history of quotas for white males
only in an institutional structure favoring white males to the exclusion of all
others.
Affirmative Action
simply extended the 18th century meritocracy ideal to women and minorities,
but within these groups impacting largely the middle class and not the poor. After
all, the concept of meritocracy was a bourgeois ideal and created for the middle
class trying to insert itself into the political and business mainstream commensurate
with its contributions to society, as far as 18th century
Enlightenment thinkers were concerned. Kennedy and those favoring affirmative
action simply extended the old bourgeois concept pertaining to white males only
to the rest of the middle class population to reflect the realities of a
diverse society that minority populations enriched with their contributions.
Diversity in an open society seems logical, except
when it threatens the white male majority. How does one measure merit except in
standardized tests and grades in school? The white meritocracy argument used
against blacks and Hispanics has run into contradictions when it comes to
Asians scoring much higher than whites in standardized tests and especially in math
and science. Although American society is becoming more diverse
demographically, the right wing politicians, think tanks, media have used the courts
and the Supreme Court to fight against what they label “reverse discrimination”.
This is because they see with great clarity the majority white population
losing ground largely because of demographic changes and the only way to
preserve privileges accorded on racial/.ethnic grounds is to fight in the
courts where white male judges are skeptical about affirmative action trying to
correct white “sins of the past”.
Even with the progress that women and minorities have
made under affirmative action, the reality is that class transcends gender,
race and ethnicity. This is the reason for the concessions to the middle class
Hispanics, women, blacks, and other minorities. The American economy reached
its peak in the second half of the 1940s when the economies of the entire world
were in shambles. While there was growth in the 1950s and upward socioeconomic
mobility continued until the end of the Vietnam War, opportunities became fewer
and the long decline set in as a permanent feature. In 2015, the IMF declared
that China is the world’s largest economy if measured in PPP terms, and likely
to continue rising to overtake the US at some point later in the century. China’s
economic rise is as certain as the decline of the US. This limits opportunities
for the majority of Americans. The result will be that politicians will
continue to distract the public by blaming the individual and minority groups,
terrorism and foreign enemies rather than the domestic political economy as the
root cause of the problem.
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